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Why I left the Tories

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“I f*****g hate revolutionary socialists”. At TIG/ Change UK’s European election launch in Bristol on Tuesday morning an experienced Labour hand, furious with the damage Jeremy Corbyn and Momentum had done to his old party, told me what it was that forced him from his lifelong political home.

Another candidate at the launch, a primary school teacher from the Midlands with no previous experience of politics, had been a Leave voter in 2016. Mugged by the red bus, she voted for a promised Brexit dividend for public services. She won’t be a mug again.

For Labour, the die was cast in 2013 when Ed Miliband changed his party’s membership rules, with the well-meaning if awe-inspiringly miscalculated purpose of boosting Labour’s support by giving members of the public a £3 say in electing the leader. You get what you pay for, and anyone who shelled out £3 to elect Jeremy Corbyn didn’t pay a penny more than the Lenin-capped loon is worth. They may not have realised they would get the free gift of a heavy mob of Momentum activists in every constituency Labour Party; shouting down dissent and barging moderates aside.

All political parties are coalitions; the Labour and Conservative parties were historically broad coalitions tolerant of diverse views. Brexit has made the strained coalition in the Conservative Party cease to function. For Labour, all Neil Kinnock’s reforms of the party’s constitution in the nineties and all Blair’s work to bring Mondeo Man over from Maggie was undone by Ed Miliband’s catastrophic mistake.

Both main parties have been captured by the people they exist to exclude from power. While the hard left are moulding Labour in their own image, the Conservatives are a dark political mirror, scrambling away from Cameron’s centrism alongside Nigel Farage to fill the space recently vacated by UKIP. In both parties, those left in the centre ground are looking and feeling very exposed.

There is no room left inside the Conservative Party for disagreement over Europe. Constituency parties like my own former association in Carmarthen East & Dinefwr are quick to sideline candidates sympathetic to the EU. By contrast with the party activists, most sitting Conservative MPs opposed Brexit; they know any Brexit would be a mistake and no deal Brexit a disaster.

Not that they dare say it. With a few honourable exceptions like Jo Johnson and Guto Bebb, Remain-inclined Tory MPs adopt a trite form of words about respecting the result of the referendum, while bending over backwards to find some way of leaving the EU which will minimise the damage and allow the Government to say it has done what voters ordered.

A fat lot of good it’s doing them. Conservative MPs who hope to take the sting out of Brexit by supporting Theresa May’s deal are getting exactly the same abuse as good honest Remainers. The PM is ‘treason May’; the deal described by Reesmogian colleagues in Commando-comic terms as abject surrender. To borrow the Brexiters’ imagery, any Tory MP thinking of turning back from the front line on Brexit faces a row of constituency association officers standing behind him with machine guns.

In some ways, the cod-patriotic Dad’s Army stuff reminds us of the EU’s real purpose. Never only a trading arrangement, it exists to so integrate the economies and political systems of the nations of Europe as to make war between them unthinkable.

Britain’s presence in the EEC and EU took a fundamentally good idea and improved on it. We helped Europe strike the right balance between integration and a Europe of nations; between workers’ protections and a dynamic market economy. Being proud of Britain and its role in Europe isn’t unpatriotic: quite the opposite. Shamefully, we have allowed supporters of a destructive hard Brexit to steal patriotism’s clothes and drape themselves in the flag.

If there is no place in the Conservative Party for honesty about the harm Brexit will cause, and the desirability of stopping it altogether, there is no place for me. I don’t respect the result of the referendum. It was a wafer-thin mandate for an historic mistake. It was run in breach of the Government’s own protocol on the conduct of referendums. In Switzerland, where they do referendums better, the result would probably have been struck down as vitiated by fraud.

I want to take the most effective action to stop Brexit, and in this European Parliament election, TIG is the remain alliance. The immediate priority for us is to stop Britain leaving the EU, and we won’t be told that we are unpatriotic for supporting a political settlement that together with NATO and the bomb –both of which Jeremy Corbyn also hates– has given us nearly a human lifetime of uninterrupted peace between its member states.

However, TIG/ Change UK is not just a pro-EU project. We have come together from hugely diverse backgrounds to change the way politics is done in Britain. In the wake of the eleven ur-Tiggers’ defections from Labour and the Conservatives, 59% of voters polled said they would be willing to vote for a new party that occupied the centre ground.

Standing up for democracy means decoupling radical policies from demagoguery; it means working with and defending people of good will in all parties. For effective government to reclaim the centre ground, coalitions that govern will need to be cross-party rather than within parties.

We want our patriotism back. We want our freedoms as EU citizens back. We want decent, civilised politics back. And we want our country back. It’s time for the centre to take back control.

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2 Comments

  1. Ed Bowsher

    April 27, 2019 at 2:02 pm

    Ed Miliband’s 2013 reforms weren’t so terrible. They had a built-in safety device. Any candidate for the party leadership had to be nominated by 10% of MPs. So idiots like Margaret Beckett went and nominated Corbyn even though they had no intention of voting for him. Big mistake!

    • Matthew Paul

      May 2, 2019 at 10:54 pm

      Good point, though after a hiatus following Tony Benn’s unsuccessful run in 1988, the tradition of having a far-left candidate on the ballot paper as an Aunt Sally was re-establishing itself: McDonnell in 2007; Abbott in 2010. The mistake Beckett, Frank Field, Sadiq Khan etc made was underestimating the effect the £3 entry fee would have on the outcome.

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What’s the point of immigrants?

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by Matthew Paul

What do points make? Passports! Or at least the opportunity to get yourself a visa stamp allowing you –if you didn’t win the lottery of life by being born British– the unmissable opportunity to reside and work in the United Kingdom post-Brexit.

Some suggest that the only skills required at the end of the transition period will be an aptitude at barbecuing rats, or the strength to push around Covid-19 death carts while ringing a bell, but in the event that the UK’s economic and cultural life carries on after Brexit more or less as before, we will still face a chasmic shortage of workers in the agricultural, hospitality and care sectors.

Britain’s population is getting older, and the disinclination many Britons demonstrate towards looking after elderly relatives means that unglamorous, low-paid jobs in the care sector are always available to anyone who cares to do them. British consumers demand fresh, locally-produced food, but display little enthusiasm to pick it themselves, and react with bewildered indignation when people who are less picky about their work come over ‘ere and pick it for them.

The Government are probably right that a lot of people who voted to leave the EU in 2016 did so, at least in part, because they dislike mass immigration. Such people are also thicker on the ground in the ‘red wall’ seats that Boris turned blue –for the first time in living memory– in December. The Government has promises to keep with these voters, and stopping people they don’t like coming into the country is a good deal cheaper, at least in the short term, than building thumping great infrastructure projects or finding 50,000 new nurses. Probably from abroad.

On Wednesday, Home Secretary Priti Patel released details of a points-based system, modelled on Australia’s highly restrictive immigration rules, to clamp down on all the EU citizens who have been coming over ‘ere etc etc. Three characteristics are basic requirements to qualify for a residence and work permit: an offer of work from an approved sponsor [20 points], a job at “appropriate skill level” [20 points], and the ability to speak English (ble mae’r Gymraeg?) at a “required level” [10 points].

Once those requirements are satisfied, an applicant clears the final hurdle by earning 20 more points. A salary above £25,600 might get you that, so long as the government-approved going rate for the job isn’t higher. Working in a designated shortage occupation is also worth 20. Educational attainment is less highly regarded; a bachelor’s or master’s level degree counts for nothing. Arty-farty doctorates get you just ten points; only proper PhDs in difficult stuff like AI and rocket science get you over the line.

The Government’s statisticians reckon that around 70% of the EEA citizens who have come to Britain since 2004 would be ineligible for a visa under the new rules. Foreigners aside, not many British people in Britain would now be eligible to come to Britain. Priti Patel’s own parents –who came to the UK from Uganda and set up a successful chain of newsagents– certainly wouldn’t. Hypocrisy and Priti Patel are not exactly strangers; when she wasn’t busy this week trying to illegitimise her own residency in the UK, she was on Sky News telling a confused Kay Burley, who had heard somewhere that both the Prime Minister and the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster might, at some point, have dabbled a bit in drugs, that there is no such thing as dabbling in drugs.

To prevent against labour shortages, the Government means to draw on the current pool of around 3.5 million EU citizens resident in the UK (of whom 3.2 million have applied for settled status). To top up seasonal labour markets, there will be a limited scheme of 10,000 short-term permits for agricultural work. Given that 60,000 people were engaged in seasonal work on farms in 2018, less than 1% of whom were British, this looks some way short of enough. And this assumes full uptake, which can’t be guaranteed. Seasonal labour schemes don’t afford workers anything like the certainty and ability to plan their futures –working up from seasonal labour into more permanent and fulfilling work– that free movement allowed.

The Government’s projections of the effectiveness of its points-based system also fail to take into account the chilling effect of an overall hostile environment for immigrants. EEA migration into the UK has crashed since the electorate’s decision in 2016 to repudiate EU membership. A large proportion of the workers who arrived in the mid 2000s from accession countries have already returned home.

This doesn’t mean that we are actually going to run short of nurses in our hospitals, or that bums will go unwiped lower down the food chain of the care sector. We will continue to fill jobs in the NHS and nursing homes by plundering the medically qualified workforces of Asia and sub-Saharan Africa, which does neither us nor them much good. Exploiting the schools and universities of countries which can ill-afford to train doctors and nurses is a cynical and immoral way to staff the NHS. It also creates more permanent migration; unlike EU citizens who hop on Ryanair when they get fed up with the rain, it is far less likely that immigrants from the third world will ever decide to move back to their country of origin.

The ability to come and go, and to move around the continent in search of work has underpinned the UK’s dynamic jobs market for nearly twenty years. To give Brexiters what they want in seriously and permanently reducing unskilled migration into the UK, we will have to give them what they almost certainly don’t want. Low paid work in the agricultural and hospitality sectors. Whipping away benefits or tax credits if they turn down that sort of job. In the immortal words of the man who this week tweeted his outrage from a long passport queue at Amsterdam’s Schiphol Airport: “This isn’t the Brexit I voted for.”

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Into the wilderness

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by Matthew Paul

They sure know how to pick ‘em. On 20th December, this column advised –not entirely in earnest– that the best interests of our country would be served by electing as Labour leader a candidate with the dynamism and glittering intellect of Rebecca Long-Bailey or Richard Burgon. It even suggested –in the interest of a strong government being balanced by a strong opposition– that Conservative supporters might join the Labour Party just for the opportunity of voting for one or the other of them.

Persuaded by this analysis –and undaunted by their recent defeat at the hands of both Jonathan Edwards and a Tory candidate straight out of The Munsters– the Carmarthen East & Dinefwr Constituency Labour Party chose last week to endorse not one but both of these titans of the democratic left; Becky as leader, and Burgon as her deputy. If anything can turn around the difficult fortunes of the Labour Party, it is a leadership team of this calibre.

To be fair, in the General Election campaign Corbyn fought off the attacks of billionaire-owned media like The Pembrokeshire Herald, pro-Zionist lobbying groups and the entire UK establishment to deliver what must be regarded as an impressive result for Labour. Tories can brag about outdated, irrelevant measures of success like seats in Parliament and who gets to kiss the Queen’s hand, but Corbynites understand that to secure a meaningful victory, you first have to get shot of the factionalist Blairite splitters who held socialism back through three consecutive terms of Labour government.

As such, it is surprising that the Labour Party as a whole –not to mention the voters who were duped by Tory MSM into electing Conservative Members of Parliament– don’t seem to be demonstrating the same clear vision as their comrades in the CE&D branch.

The field in Labour’s leadership election handicap has been winnowed down to four. One clear frontrunner –Sir Kier Starmer– has been half the course ahead of the others right out of the gates, with endorsements from a hefty majority of Labour MPs and major trade unions.

Starmer has several advantages, not least his splendid quiff.

He’s certainly not stupid. Although he isn’t clever in the flashy, showmanlike way Boris Johnson is clever, Starmer is analytical, conscientious, always well prepared and on top of his brief. Starmer also has a carapace of ambition and arrogance that isn’t a million miles from Boris’s own Olympian self-assurance. These qualities could seriously discomfit Boris, to whom detail is a foreign land and preparation something other people are paid to do for him.

What Starmer entirely lacks is a sense of humour. He has an excellent chance of winning any award going for most pompous man in public life. So fundamentally unable to recognise a joke that he personally oversaw the (ultimately unsuccessful) prosecution of a man who made one on Twitter, you are about as likely to see Sir Kier engaging in self-mockery as to see an issue of Charlie Hebdo in Ayatollah Ali Khamenei’s downstairs loo. Subjected to any kind of satirical attack, Starmer takes on the wounded expression of an Emperor Penguin who has slipped on ice and dropped on his arse right in front of David Attenborough and a film crew. Put this across the despatch box from Boris, who never misses an opportunity to take the piss, and all the preparation and analysis in the world may be of no effect.

Sir Kier is also a tiny bit of a phoney. Full of four-Yorkshiremen rhetoric in describing his comfortable and decent upbringing, he has publicly repudiated private and selective education but is regularly involved with the old boys’ association of his (fee paying) selective grammar school. Around the Comrades, Sir Kier says he ‘doesn’t use’ his title –and if he doesn’t use it because he disagrees with the whole business of Knights of the Realm, perhaps he shouldn’t have accepted it– but it’s usually in evidence when in the company of his fellow Benchers of the Honourable Society of the Middle Temple.

Following an important endorsement from the GMB, Lisa Nandy has also made the cut. If the Labour Party let the general public elect its leaders, she would have a fighting chance of winning. A recent Ipsos Mori poll showed her as having the highest overall public approval versus disapproval rating –on point ahead of Starmer with a thumping plus 43– of any of the four.

Which brings us back to Becky, whose performance in that poll was not quite so good, with an overall approval rating of minus 7; just ahead of the equally awful, but far smarter and more competent, Emily Thornberry. Thornberry’s support is being squeezed from both sides –those who want to stop Starmer even if it means voting for Long-Bailey and those who want to stop Long-Bailey even if it means voting for Starmer– and she will probably fall at the next fence.

Thornberry’s absence from the contest won’t hurt Labour’s prospects at the ballot box, but it’s hard to think what the party could have done –short of re-opening Chris Williamson’s coffin and pulling out the stake– to find a hard-left candidate with less public appeal than Rebecca Long-Bailey. Her flatmate and closest political conspirator, Angela Rayner, chose not to stand as leader this time round; probably a sensible choice given that the party seems to be heading further into, not emerging from, the wilderness. Like John Lennon’s quip about Ringo’s talents as a drummer, Long-Bailey isn’t even the best leadership candidate in her own flat. Corbyn without the charm, the Momentum heavy mob –who never set much store by charm anyway– have nonetheless given her their backing.

Tories know what this feels like. From around 1994 until David Cameron took over as leader, the Conservative Party was regarded as a national embarrassment. They weren’t winning elections and no-one seriously expected them to. They turned inwards and spoke to their own activists. “Are you thinking what we’re thinking?” Michael Howard asked voters in 2001. “Hell no” came the answer.

Jeremy Corbyn and Momentum have led Labour into the same trap. If moderate, sensible elements in the Labour Party don’t succeed in taking back control from the Corbyn cult by electing Starmer (who would do) or Nandy (who might actually be quite good), what happened to Labour on 12th December in Carmarthen East & Dinefwr will happen to Labour everywhere.

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No mercy for Nasty Neil

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‘Nasty Neil’ McEvoy is in the soup again.

Regular readers of this column will be familiar with Nasty Neil, the now-independent South Wales AM (after Plaid Cymru disembarrassed themselves of his affiliation), Cardiff City councillor, and general thorn in the side of the Cardiff Bay establishment.

Styling himself –minus the racist aggro– as a sort of Welsh Nat Tommy Robinson, Nasty Neil follows the whiff of controversy like some ASBO version of the Bisto kids. McEvoy is an obstreperous, uppity, bad-to-the-bone populist who seems well-liked amongst his constituents. This doesn’t go down at all well in the cosy, consensual atmosphere of the Senedd, where any sort of opposition to Welsh Labour is regarded as being in faintly poor taste.

Predictably, Welsh Government apparatchiks have got it in for Nasty Neil. This follows his spectacular decapitation of the Assembly’s Standards Commissioner, Sir Roderick Evans, who had to resign his post when McEvoy managed to get a recording of what sounded like the Commissioner and most of his staff going around the office saying that McEvoy (whom they were in the process of investigating) was a d**khead.

Now, Karma has smiled on Cardiff Bay and the politburo have extracted a measure of revenge. Following a four-day hearing before Cardiff Council’s Standards Committee, McEvoy was found to have breached Cardiff City Council’s code of conduct by bringing the council into disrepute and failing to treat a complainant with ‘respect and consideration’. He was suspended as a councillor for four months.

The complaint against Neil McEvoy arose in April and May last year, when a child at a privately-run care home used by the council told his parents he was repeatedly being assaulted. The parents told McEvoy and asked him to do something about it.

Nasty Neil, slightly stretching the received understanding of what it is to be a ‘corporate parent’, demanded access to the child, confronted staff at the home, and (in earshot of the staff) called the director of social services and the police to organise a welfare check when he was refused access.

At the Standards Committee hearing, the Public Services Ombudsman for Wales (who sees himself as a sort of Batman to McEvoy’s Joker), accused Nasty Neil of acting in a threatening way towards staff with his “chest puffed out”, “shoulders back” and “pointing his fingers”.

“Show me on the doll,” Counsel for Ombuds-Man may have asked, “where Nasty Neil pointed at you.”

She then accused McEvoy of displaying “a pattern of behaviour, that as soon as something doesn’t go your way, you [ask] to speak to the director.” “Can you see, Councillor,” she added, “that it is the way you do it that makes people feel intimidated?”

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